The pharmaceutical sector has held up quite well in
this aging bull market. Now, a new political risk is on the horizon: The
Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB), which was instituted in the 2010
Affordable Care Act. Starting in 2015, the IPAB was empowered to cut Medicare
spending if costs increased faster than a certain rate. It quickly faded into
the background as the growth in Medicare spending moderated after President
Obama signed the Affordable Care Act.
Those days are gone. The latest annual Medicare
Trustees’ report, published on June 22, indicates Medicare
spending will cross the threshold for IPAB to swing into action in 2017. The
2017 threshold is determined by a target rate of growth which is the average of
the change in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and the medical-care component of
the CPI. Estimates of both actual Medicare spending per capita and the target
rate are calculated as five-year averages.
Table I, extracted from a recent presentation by
Medicare’s Chief Actuary, illustrates why investors are becoming concerned.
Table I highlights this year’s Medicare spending per capita will increase 2.21
percent (averaged over the five years, 2014 through 2018). The target rate is
2.33 percent, higher than the estimated actual rate, so the threshold is not
crossed. IPAB remains asleep.
However, in 2017, actual spending is estimated to grow
at 2.82 percent while the target rate will be just 2.62 percent, causing IPAB
to propose cuts to spending in 2019 comprising 0.2 percent of Medicare
spending. Before 2020, IPAB may not target providers for which rates are
already cut by Obamacare – primarily hospitals. Further, Congress and the
Administration made
a new deal for Medicare payments to doctors as recently as
April 2015. Every physicians’ organization strongly endorsed this new payment
model, so the government would hardly renege on it so soon.
So, investors are right to be concerned that IPAB will
propose cuts to prescription spending. However, let’s put this in perspective.
Net Medicare spending (less Part B and Part D premiums) will be about $708.7
billion in 2019, of which 0.2 percent is $142 million. Medicare Part D spending
on prescription drugs will be about $134.3 billion in 2019. Further, Medicare
Part B, which covers physicians, also pays for drugs by injection. This
amounted to $18.5
billion in 2014. So, taking the big-picture view, the
pharmaceutical industry will suffer little harm if the IPAB tries to cut $142
million of its Medicare revenues.
This disguises that Medicare drug spending is highly
concentrated. For Medicare Part B, the top 10 drugs accounted for 38
percent of payments in 2014. For Medicare Part D, the top 10
drugs accounted for 23
percent of payments in 2011. So, depending on how the IPAB
decides to cut payments for drugs, it could have a significant effect on
revenues of drug-makers which produce drugs which cost Medicare a lot.
However, it is hard to predict where IPAB will cut
because there is no IPAB. Nor
will there be one in 2017, when it is supposed to make its recommendations on
2019 spending cuts. If it existed as it should have since 2014, the IPAB would
comprise 15 members nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate.
President Obama saw no upside in nominating
candidates, which would simply re-ignite the debate over Obamacare’s death
panels. If the IPAB fails to perform its duties, its powers fall to the U.S.
Secretary of Health & Human Services. In a constitutionally suspect
provision of the legislation, the Affordable Care Act grants Congress very
little ability to debate or propose alternatives to the cuts proposed by the
IPAB or the Secretary.
Pharmaceutical investors can expect the following sequence
of events. By April 30, 2017, Medicare’s Chief Actuary will issue his official
determination that the rate of growth of Medicare spending per capita will be
higher than the target rate, and spending in 2017 must be cut. By January 25,
2018, the Secretary will propose spending cuts to Congress, which has to “fast
track” its approval or propose alternative cuts in a very short time.
A proposal to cut drug spending with price controls,
which would be the easiest political score, would also provoke a legal
challenge. Although reimbursement for Medicare Part B drugs is subject to
administrative changes, the Medicare Modernization Act of 2003 (which created
Medicare Part D for prescription drugs) included a “non-interference clause”
preventing the federal government from interfering in Part D drug prices.
Although President Obama and Democrats in general
would love to topple the non-interference clause, they refrained from attacking
it directly in the Affordable Care Act in order to prevent the research-based pharmaceutical
industry from opposing Obamacare. Using the IPAB determination to attack the
non-interference clause would provoke a flurry of litigation, the outcome of
which I would hesitate to predict at this point.
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